More institutions join the National Redress Scheme

This newsletter includes an update on institutions as they finalise arrangements to be able to participate in the National Redress Scheme. 

For more information or to find support services, visit the National Redress Scheme website or call 1800 737 377 Monday to Friday, 8am to 5pm (local time), excluding public holidays.

State and Territory update

The Western Australia government has completed the final steps to join the National Redress Scheme (the Scheme) and formally commenced on 1 January  2019. This means that applications relating to institutions that are the responsibility of the Western Australia government may progress.

All State and Territory governments have joined the Scheme with the exception of the South Australia government, which is expected to join in February. 

Enquiries about the progress of applications already lodged with the Scheme can be made by calling 1800 737 377 Monday to Friday, 8am to 5pm (local time), excluding public holidays.

Institution update

More institutions have undertaken the steps to formally join the National Redress Scheme. They are listed below. Some institutions are joining the Scheme in stages, for example by Order, Diocese, States and Groups. The Scheme is working closely with institutions, supporting and encouraging them to join as soon as possible. 

Six more Catholic Dioceses have joined, represented by Australian Catholic Redress Limited. They are:

路         Archdiocese of Perth

路         Chaldean Eparchy of St Thomas

路         Diocese of Bunbury

路         Diocese of Broome

路         Diocese of Geraldton

路         Melkite Catholic Eparchy

Three more Catholic Religious Orders have also joined the Scheme. They are:

路         Marist Fathers Australian Province

路         Sisters of Mercy Brisbane

路         Sylvesterine Benedictine Monks

For more information about which sites are covered by these institutions, visit the Scheme鈥檚 website. There is also a full list of institutions that have joined the Scheme at: www.nationalredress.gov.au/institutions/joined-scheme
 

Where do I get support?

Redress Support Services are available to help people understand the Scheme, provide emotional support and guide people through the application process. A list of support services is available on the website.

Those who need immediate emotional support can contact: 

Find out more

You can call the National Redress Scheme on 1800 737 377 Monday to Friday, 8am to 5pm (local time), excluding public holidays. You can also visit the website at www.nationalredress.gov.au.

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Potiphar鈥檚 Wife | The Vatican鈥檚 Secret and Child Sexual Abuse

Overview – Potiphar’s Wife by Kieran Tapsell
English summary: The cover-up of child sexual abuse by the Catholic Church has been occurring under the pontificate of six popes since 1922. For 1500 years, the Catholic Church accepted that clergy who sexually abused children deserved to be stripped of their status as priests and then imprisoned. A series of papal and Council decrees from the twelfth century required such priests to be dismissed from the priesthood, and then handed over to the civil authorities for further punishment. That all changed in 1922 when Pope Pius XI issued his decree Crimen Sollicitationis that created a de facto privilege of clergy by imposing the secret of the Holy Office on all information obtained through the Churchs canonical investigations. If the State did not know about these crimes, then there would be no State trials, and the matter could be treated as a purely canonical crime to be dealt with in secret in the Church courts. Pope Pius XII continued the decree. Pope John XXIII reissued it in 1962. Pope Paul VI in 1974 extended the reach of pontifical secrecy to the allegation itself. Pope John Paul II confirmed the application of pontifical secrecy in 2001, and in 2010, Benedict XVI even extended it to allegations about priests sexually abusing intellectually disabled adults. In 2010, Pope Benedict gave a dispensation to pontifical secrecy to allow reporting to the police where the local civil law required it, that is, just enough to keep bishops out of jail. Most countries in the world do not have any such reporting laws for the vast majority of complaints about the sexual abuse of children. Pontifical secrecy, the cornerstone of the cover up continues. The effect on the lives of children by the imposition of the Churchs Top Secret classification on clergy sex abuse allegations may not have been so bad if canon law had a decent disciplinary system to dismiss these priests. The 1983 Code of Canon Law imposed a five year limitation period which virtually ensured there would be no canonical trials. It required bishops to try to reform these priests before putting them on trial. When they were on trial, the priest could plead the Vatican Catch 22 defencehe should not be dismissed because he couldnt control himself. The Church claims that all of this has changed. Very little has changed. It has fiddled around the edges of pontifical secrecy and the disciplinary canons. The Church has been moonwalking.

Reviews & Feedback given, will also be published here.

Safe and happy childhood … ?!

If 鈥渁ll children deserve a safe and happy childhood鈥, as the Letters Patent began Australia鈥檚 recent CARC (Child Abuse Royal Commission) – how far along this journey are Survivors, Family-Friends, Institutions & Perpetrators? While some fairytales have more possibility of 鈥榮afe & happy鈥 endings, reality is that multiple Victims are losing their chance to experience any Compensation &/or Redress from the聽Institutions & Perpetrators responsible. Perhaps this extension of time is part of the calculated risk of Predators targeting the Vulnerable 鈥 鈥榙on鈥檛 worry, they鈥檒l be dead/unable/incapacitated before we need to worry about things鈥 may frequently be thought.

Back to the returning of our youth鈥檚 lost safety and happiness of childhood – this is a far greater accomplishment of “trust, intimacy, agency & sexuality鈥 that many Victims have not fully experienced. I hope for more Messages-Posts-Questions-Discussions around these 4 broad points!

Long-term Effects of Child Sexual Abuse (9)

Prevention 

The ideal response to child sexual abuse would be primary prevention strategies aimed at eliminating, or at least reducing, the sexual abuse of children (Tomison, 1995). This review has, however, focused on issues related to the deleterious outcomes linked to child sexual abuse rather than on the characteristics of abusers and the contexts in which abuse is more likely to occur, which are relevant to primary prevention. From the information presented here, the implications are for secondary and tertiary preventive strategies aimed at ameliorating the damage inflicted by abuse, and reducing the subsequent reverberations of that damage. 

Child sexual abuse may be a necessary, but rarely (if ever) a sufficient, cause of adult problems. Child sexual abuse acts in concert with other developmental experiences to leave the growing child with areas of vulnerability. This is a dynamic process at every level, and one in which there are few irremediable absolutes. Abuse is not destiny. It is damaging, and that damage, if not always reparable, is open to amelioration and limitation.

Those who have been abused who subsequently have positive school experiences where they feel themselves to have succeeded academically, socially or at sport, have significantly lower rates of adult difficulties (Romans et al. 1995). Those whose relationship with their parents subsequent to abuse was positive and supportive fared better, and a good relationship with the father appeared to have a strong protective influence regarding subsequent psychopathology (Romans et al. 1995). Even aspects of the parental figures’ relationship to each other seem to have an influence. Expressions of physical affection between parents was associated with better outcomes, and marked domestic disharmony, particularly if associated with violence, added to the damage (Romans et al. 1995; Spaccarelli and Kim 1995). Finally, those who can establish stable and satisfactory intimate relationships as adults have significantly better outcomes. 

There is no reason why a well-organised and funded school system should not provide all children with a positive experience academically, socially or in sport. There is no need to identify and target abuse victims, but simply to make every effort to ensure adolescents have the opportunity to share in the enhanced social opportunities, the increased mastery, and the pleasure of achievement that school should provide at some level to all. 

The encouragement of sport may seem trivial, but it has a protective influence on psychiatric disorders in all adolescents, not just those with histories of child abuse (Romans et al. 1996; Thorlindsson et al. 1990; Simonsick 1991). Similarly in adult life, success in tertiary education and in the workforce is associated with reduced vulnerability to psychiatric problems for the abused and the non-abused alike, but particularly for the abused (Romans et al. 1996).

The secondary preventive strategies of relevance in reducing the impact of child sexual abuse are equally relevant to reducing a wide range of adolescent and adult problems unrelated to abuse. These include improved parental relationships, reduced domestic violence and disharmony, improved school opportunities, work opportunities, better social networks, and better intimate relationships as adults. The list is so familiar as to be platitudinous, but is nonetheless of central importance. 

The model advanced in this paper is of child sexual abuse contributing to developmental disruptions that lay the basis for interpersonal and social problems in adult life. These, in turn, increase the risks of adult psychiatric problems and disorders. If this is correct, then focusing on improving the social and interpersonal difficulties of those with histories of child sexual abuse may be the most effective manner of reducing subsequent psychiatric disorder. 

This argues for tertiary prevention strategies aimed at improving self-esteem, encouraging more effective action in work and recreational pursuits, attempting to overcome sexual difficulties, and working specifically on improving the victim’s social networks and capacities to trust in, and accept, intimacy. This does not imply that established affective disorders or eating disorders should not be treated in their own right, but suggests that focusing on current vulnerabilities and deficits may be more productive than extended archeologies of past abuse in the search of an elusive retrospective mastery. 

Conclusion 

The hypothesis advanced in this paper is that, in most cases, the fundamental damage inflicted by child sexual abuse is to the child’s developing capacities for trust, intimacy, agency and sexuality, and that many of the mental health problems of adult life associated with histories of child sexual abuse are second-order effects. This hypothesis runs counter to the post-traumatic stress disorder model, and suggests different therapeutic strategies and strategies of secondary prevention. 

In practice, both models may be of value. The post-traumatic stress disorder like mechanisms may predominate in the short term, and in those who have been exposed to the grossest form of child sexual abuse. The developmental and social model may carry the weight of causality in the far commoner, but less utterly overwhelming, forms of child sexual abuse.聽

References (see Library)

Long-term Effects of Child Sexual Abuse 
by Paul E. Mullen and Jillian Fleming

wwww.aaets.org/article176.htm

GLOBAL Articles …

After reading through the recent WP Articles of聽Supply and Demand 鈥撀燱hat聽about the Truth?,Abuse 鈥撀燭urning a Blind Eye no More,聽Official: Priest accused of going AWOL & How to Let Go of the Need to Control聽Others聽it is noted that the patterns of Child Sexual Abuse is by no means cases of ‘isolated incidents’, ‘sole Predators’ or ‘one-off errors鈥. In what some have long suspected as an endemic problem, this will also require a common solution. Beyond the Religious basis of Catholicism (where many of these ordeals were hidden;聽7% of all Catholic priests in Australia;聽age at the time of the聽abuse聽was 11.5 for boys and 10.5 for girls)聽, a multi-facetted approach will be needed. Australia鈥檚 5 yr Royal Commission 2013-2017 uncovered many of these ingrained occasions, yet so much more is needed for effective change. It is known that many families of CSA Victims continue to follow their Church beliefs, ahead of acknowledging the wrongful impacts on their targeted child.
Perhaps the ingrained element of Control over our vulnerable stems from Caesar鈥檚 control over Rome, Anakin鈥檚/Darth Vader’s control over Resistance (Star Wars), or simply the control dynamics found in many a child鈥檚 playground. The 4th Article gives us an outlook of personal stresses with micromanaging our children & spouse. Control of ourselves is a major stage in Dr Perry鈥檚 Article, involving personal strengthening stages. There may always be others trying to control us, yet through effective parenting-family-networks light will always be possible.

Long-term Effects of Child Sexual Abuse (8)

Alcohol abuse

Research into the relationship between child sexual abuse and alcohol abuse began with reports that clients with substance abuse problems reported high levels of exposure to child sexual abuse. A review of 12 studies conducted prior to 1995 indicated that the rates of child sexual abuse among those in treatment for alcohol abuse varied from as high as 84 per cent to as low as 20 per cent (Fleming et al. in press (b)).

Other evidence suggesting a relationship between child sexual abuse and alcohol abuse came from studies of women with histories of child sexual abuse who were attending treatment for mental health problems. These studies generally found higher rates of alcohol abuse in women with a history of child sexual abuse (Pribor and Dinwiddie 1992; Swett and Halpert 1994).

Recent research into the relationship between child sexual abuse and alcohol abuse has been methodologically more sophisticated than in the past, and has used community samples with larger sample sizes, random samples and more adequate definitions for both alcohol abuse and child sexual abuse (Peters 1988; Bushnell et al. 1992; Fergusson et al. 1996). However, conflicting results on the possible linkage between child sexual abuse and alcohol abuse have been reported. This has given rise to doubt about the strength of an association, the extent to which this relationship reflects a causal connection, and how any connection is mediated and influenced by other aspects of background and development.

The link between child sexual abuse and alcohol abuse may not be a simple causal chain. Fleming et al. (in press, (b)) in a case-control study examining the relationship between a reported history of child sexual abuse and the development of alcohol abuse in a sample of 710 Australian women, proposed that a history of child sexual abuse was not, by itself, sufficient to cause alcohol dependency in women. The relationship between child sexual abuse and alcohol abuse more likely reflects a complex interplay between child sexual abuse and a range of other factors in a woman’s life. Their results showed that in combination with the perception of a mother who was uncaring and overly controlling, being sexually abused did increase the risk of alcohol abuse in women. These results also suggest evidence for protective effects such that the perception of having a kind, caring and loving mother may help overcome some of the potentially adverse effects of child sexual abuse on subsequent vulnerability to alcohol abuse.

The proposition that the long-term effects of child sexual abuse may be modified by an individual’s experience subsequent to the abuse has also been suggested. Romans et al. (1995 and 1997) demonstrated that long-term problems following child sexual abuse were significantly lower in those who had supportive and confiding relationships with their mothers. In addition, in adults with a history of child sexual abuse, a three-way interaction was found between child sexual abuse, having an alcoholic partner, and having high expectancies of alcohol as a sexual disinhibitor.

The research on child sexual abuse and alcohol abuse illustrates the complexity of the interactions between abuse and the emergence of adult problems. As a minimum, there are interactions between the severity of the abuse, the family relationships prior and subsequent to the abuse, the adult victims’ preconceptions about alcohol reducing sexual anxieties and, finally, the drinking habits of their eventual partner. Even this list fails to convey the complexity of the dynamic interactions between development, abuse and family and social experiences. This is not complexity for the sake of complexity. Understanding the impact of child sexual abuse in a developmental and interactive perspective is central to effective therapy for adults and child victims, and for secondary prevention strategies.

Unravelling the associations between abuse and long-term problems

There is a wide range of potential adverse adult outcomes associated with child sexual abuse. However, there is no unique pattern to these long-term effects and no discernible specific post-abuse syndrome. This suggests that child sexual abuse is best viewed as a risk factor for a wide range of subsequent problems.

In studies on the long-term impact of child sexual abuse that employ adult subjects, it is all too easy to forget the abuse occurred in childhood, and to resort to applying inappropriately adult-centred conceptualisations. In deriving models of the link between child sexual abuse and adult difficulties, the heavy reliance on the concept of post-traumatic stress disorder may be an example of such an error.

The sexual abuse of children occurs during a period in life where complex and, hopefully, ordered changes are occurring in the child’s physical, psychological and social being. The state of flux leaves the child vulnerable to sustaining damage that will retard, pervert or prevent the normal developmental processes. The impact of abuse is likely to be modified by the developmental stage at which it occurs. It will also vary according to how resilient the child is in terms of their psychological and social development up to that point. A child who has already had to cope with, for example, a problematic family background or prior emotional abuse, will be more vulnerable to the additional blow of child sexual abuse. A child from a more secure and privileged background may well be equally distressed at the time by the abuse, but is likely to sustain less long-term developmental damage.

These suppositions are born out by studies that have demonstrated powerful interactions between the child’s prior exposure to potentially damaging situations, and the degree of adult disturbance apparently associated with a history of child sexual abuse (Mullen et al. 1993 and 1994; Fergusson et al. 1996 and 1997).

The long-term effects of child sexual abuse will also be modified by the individual’s experience subsequent to the abuse. Romans et al. (1995 and 1997) demonstrated that long-term problems following child sexual abuse were significantly lower in those who had supportive and confiding relationships with their mothers and in those who, as adolescents, experienced some success at school or with peers. The nature of this success (academic, social or sporting), is probably less important than the accompanying strengthening of self-esteem and enhancement of opportunities for effective social interactions with peers.

The relationship between the potential damage inflicted on elements in the child’s development and subsequent mitigating factors is, of necessity, complex. For example, the observation that those victims of child sexual abuse who manage to establish and maintain stable marital relationships are protected against some of the potentially adverse outcomes of child sexual abuse (Cole et al. 1992) may reflect, in part, the mitigating and healing influence of effective intimacy. However, equally, the association may be a product of the ability of those, who have for other reasons avoided the worst effects of child sexual abuse, to enter and sustain intimate relationships.

Peters (1988) suggested that child sexual abuse interacts with family background to produce disruption of the child’s developing self-esteem and sense of mastery of the world (agency). It is these deficits, in turn, that increase the likelihood of psychological problems in later life. This model of developmental deficits leading to social and personal vulnerabilities in adult life, which in their turn create an increased risk of mental health problems, can usefully be expanded.

Those with histories of child sexual abuse, particularly of the more physically intrusive types, have an increased risk of social, interpersonal and sexual problems in adult life. This association may play a role in mediating at least some of the far better known associations between child sexual abuse and mental health problems.

Greater vulnerability to depression is found in women who lack an intimate and confiding relationship (Henderson and Brown 1988; Harris 1988; Romans et al. 1992). Depression is also associated with lowered self-esteem and a sense of hopelessness about one’s ability to influence one’s life (Browne et al. 1986, Ingram et al. 1986). Thus the social, interpersonal and sexual problems associated with a history of child sexual abuse may themselves provide fertile ground for the development of mental health problems, particularly in the area of depressive disorders.

A plausible hypothesis can be advanced that the developmental disruption engendered by child sexual abuse in the victims’ sense of self-esteem, sense of agency, sense of the world as a safe enough environment, in their capacity for entering trusting intimate relationships and, finally, in their developing sexuality, leads in adult life to an increased risk of low self-esteem, social and economic failure, social insecurity and isolation, difficulties with intimacy and sexual problems.

This constellation of difficulty is a pattern of disadvantage likely to leave the subject prone to depressive and anxiety disorders. The vulnerability may be expressed if, and when, the subject encounters psychosocial or physical stressors, particularly if those stressors target specific areas of developmental vulnerability. (See Figure 1)

Long-term Effects of Child Sexual Abuse 
by Paul E. Mullen and Jillian Fleming
http://www.aifs.gov

Long-term Effects of Child Sexual Abuse (6)

Socioeconomic status 

The possible influence of child sexual abuse on adult social and economic functioning has not received the attention it perhaps deserves. The well documented difficulties that sexually abused children experience in the school situation with academic performance and behaviour (Tong et al. 1987; Cohen and Mannarino 1988; Einbender and Friederch 1989) might be expected to negatively influence later educational attainments, and impair the development of the skills and discipline necessary to sustain effective work roles. 

Bagley and Ramsey (1986) noted that those with histories of child sexual abuse tended to have lower status economic roles. A random community sample found women reporting child sexual abuse were more likely to have work histories that placed them in the lowest socioeconomic status categories. (Mullen et al 1994). They were also more likely to have partners whose occupations fell into the lowest socioeconomic groups. This did not simply reflect women with histories of child sexual abuse coming from lower socioeconomic status homes (which they did) but was also a product of a significant decline in socioeconomic status among those reporting child sexual abuse from their family of origin. 

This relative decline in socioeconomic status was most marked for women reporting the more severely physically intrusive forms of abuse involving penetration. This latter group had an odds ratio of over four for such a decline, even following a logistic regression that took into account the confounding influences of family background, social disadvantage and concurrent physical and emotional abuse. 

Interestingly, this decline in socioeconomic status could not be accounted for by simple educational failure, nor was the decline to be explained by a reduced participation in the workforce, or preference for part-time work. The explanation for abused women being in less well paid and prestigious jobs could be that they underestimated their value and sought occupations below their capacities (a failure of self-esteem), or that they were less adept at translating training and opportunity into effective function in the work sphere (a failure of agency). The increased frequency with which those reporting child sexual abuse entered partnerships with men from lower social classes compounded the tendency to decline in socioeconomic status. 

This greater chance of a drop in socioeconomic status relative to family of origin is a crude measure of social and economic failure, and suggests a wide ranging disruption of function that is particularly marked in those reporting the more severe abuse experiences. 

Sexuality and sexual adjustment 

A history of child sexual abuse has been found to be associated with problems with sexual adjustment in adult life (Herman 1981; Finkelhor 1979). Finkelhor (1984) described what he termed reduced sexual esteem in both men and women who had reported child sexual abuse. In a subsequent study, Finkelhor et al. (1989) found that women who reported child sexual abuse involving intercourse were significantly less likely to find their adult sexual relationships very satisfactory. 

An attempt to replicate these findings found no relationship between histories of child sexual abuse and sexual self-esteem, whether in male or female subjects (Fromuth 1986), although there was a suggestion that sexually abused women experienced a wider range of sexual activity and were more sexually active than the non-abused. Greenwald et al. (1990), in a questionnaire study, also failed to establish any significant increase in sexual dissatisfaction or sexual dysfunction in their women reporting child sexual abuse, although they only used a broad definition of abuse and did not analyse their data regarding those reporting penetrative abuse. They concluded that the ‘majority of existing evidence seems to suggest that adult sexual functioning is not significantly impaired in community samples of former female victims of childhood sexual abuse who are not seeking treatment’. 

In a study of a random community sample of 2,250 New Zealand women with a questionnaire and an interview phase, data was gathered on sexual histories including levels of sexual satisfaction and experienced sexual problems (Mullen et al 1994). The average age at which consensual intercourse first occurred, and the frequency of consensual intercourse with peers prior to reaching the age of 16 years, did not differ between controls and those reporting child sexual abuse. When, however, only those reporting child sexual abuse involving penetration were considered, they were significantly more likely to report consensual intercourse with peers prior to 16 years of age. 

The controls and those reporting child sexual abuse were equally likely to have been sexually active in the six months prior to interview, but child sexual abuse victims expressed significantly greater dissatisfaction with the frequency of intercourse, interestingly being more likely to complain of infrequency or an unwelcome frequency. Those with histories of child sexual abuse were nearly twice as likely to report current sexual problems (28 per cent compared with 47 per cent) and for women whose abuse involved penetration, nearly 70 per cent complained of current sexual problems. 

The general level of satisfaction with their sex lives was markedly reduced in those with histories of child sexual abuse compared to controls, an unadjusted odds ratio of 9.4 for overall dissatisfaction with their sex lives that rose to over 12 for abuse involving intercourse. Employing similar questions to those used by Finkelhor (1984) to quantify sexual self-esteem, it was found that significantly more child sexual abuse victims believed their attitudes and feelings about sex caused problems or disrupted their satisfaction in sexual relationships. 

The unease about their own sexuality was most common in those whose reported abuse had involved penetration. There was also a significant increase in the frequency with which the victims complained of what they perceived as negative and disruptive attitudes in their partners that caused sexual difficulties. Fleming et al. (in press) in a community sample of Australian women found that child sexual abuse involving penetration was a significant predictor of sexual problems in adult life, even after taking the family and social backgrounds of the victims into account. 

In the study by Mullen et al. (1994), there was also evidence for an association between a history of child sexual abuse and an earlier age of entering the first cohabitation and an earlier age at first pregnancy. This precocious involvement in an attempt at a permanent union and starting a family was particularly marked for those who had been victims of abuse involving penetration. This association could reflect a search for love and affection away from the inadequate home environment that so often accompanies the more severe forms of child sexual abuse. Sadly, in those who had been victims of the more intrusive forms of child sexual abuse, their attempts to establish relationships and families were likely to founder. 

There is also evidence that women who report child sexual abuse are at greater risk during adolescence of sexually transmitted diseases, teenage pregnancy, multiple sexual partnerships, and sexual revictimisation (Gorcey et al. 1986; Nagy et al. 1995; Russell 1986; Spring and Friedrich 1992; Fergusson et al. 1997). In an Australian study, Fleming et al. (in press) found that child sexual abuse, in particular abuse involving penetration, was associated with increased risks of being raped as an adult and of being the victim of domestic violence. 

These findings support the hypothesis that the exposure of children to the sexual advances and acts of adults places the victim at risk of later sexual problems. The more extreme and persistent forms of abuse produce greater disruption of the child’s developing sexuality. The age at which the abuse occurs might be expected to influence the extent of the long-term damage, and child sexual abuse occurring during the pre-pubertal stages of development is perhaps particularly likely to be traumatic. Currently, there are no adequate data on this relationship between age at abuse and subsequent sexual problems. 

On the basis of clinical observations, it has been suggested that women exposed to child sexual abuse may in early adult life respond by heightened anxiety about sexual contact (with avoidance of relationships), or a paradoxical promiscuity (in which the victim devalues herself and her sexuality). What constitutes promiscuity tends to be a highly subjective evaluation, and women with a history of child sexual abuse are more ready to respond judgmentally about their prior sexual behaviour by labelling it promiscuous than would non-abused woman with a similar range of sexual experiences. This reflects not changed sexual behaviour, but changed attitudes to one’s own sexuality. 

However, there is evidence that in those whose abuse has been particularly gross (in terms of physical intrusiveness, frequency, duration or closeness of relationship to abuser), there is an increased risk of precocious sexual activity with its attendant risks of teenage pregnancy and social ostracism. It would be surprising if the traumatic introduction to sexual activity constituted by child sexual abuse did not place the child’s sexual development in some degree of jeopardy. Studies such as those of Fromuth (1986) and Greenwald et al. (1990) that did not detect any negative long-term effects of child sexual abuse on adult sexuality probably had samples lacking a sufficient number of those exposed to more seriously intrusive abuse and, by their methods of analysis, the damage inflicted by the more severe forms of abuse was diluted with results from subjects reporting inherently less traumatic abuse experiences.

Women in a random community sample who had reported child sexual abuse were asked what problems they attributed to this abuse. They volunteered sexual problems in nearly 20 per cent of cases, and less than 3 per cent added a belief that they had behaved in an unduly promiscuous manner as adolescents in consequence of the abuse (Mullen et al. 1994). Over 50 per cent of the victims of incestuous abuse in this sample regarded the child sexual abuse as having affected their sexual adjustment as adults. This contrasts with only 5 per cent who attributed mental health problems in adult life to their histories of child sexual abuse. 

Similarly, in an Australian study (full reference needed), 17 per cent of those who reported child sexual abuse, when asked whether the abuse had had any long-term effects, reported they believed it had damaged their sexual lives. These self-evaluations certainly underestimate the actual impact of child sexual abuse on the levels of psychopathology, but emphasise the extent to which child sexual abuse is regarded by victims as disrupting subsequent sexual development. 

The sexual problems reported so frequently in those subjected to child sexual abuse, particularly of the more chronic and physically intrusive types, may be conceptualised in terms of the disruption of the developing child’s construction of sexuality and the nature of sexual activity. Child sexual abuse may well create for some victims a construction of sexual intimacy contaminated by exploitation and coercion. The lack of mutuality and benevolence implicit in a child being used as the object of an adult’s sexual acts is a disastrous introduction to the possibility of loving sexual relationships. That experiences of sexual abuse, particularly when repeated or when involving a breach of what should be a caring and protecting relationship, leave no residual damage seems an inherently unlikely proposition.

Long-term Effects of Child Sexual Abuse聽
by Paul E. Mullen and Jillian Fleming

wwww.aaets.org/article176.htm

Familiar? Child sex abuse victim finally speaks out after decades of shame

Thinking back to the times Brett Sengstock was molested as a young boy makes him want to vomit.

Even seeing photos of Frank Houston causes him to breakdown.

After 30 years of silence and shame, Mr Sengstock has finally decided to come forward because he says he is tired of others speaking for him.

Breaking down in Sunday鈥檚 night鈥檚 60 Minutes program sharing his horrific story, Mr Sengstock recounted the graphic details about what happened to him starting when he was seven years old.

The predator was Hillsong founder Brian Houston鈥檚 father, Frank Houston, a high-profile pastor who used his position of power to sexually abuse young boys.

Decisions around how the matter was handled were made by Brian while he was head of the Pentecostal movement, the Assemblies of God in Australia.

As a young boy, Mr Sengstock said he considered Frank Houston royalty. He was leader of the Assemblies of God in New Zealand and when he visited Mr Sengstock said it was like the Pope coming to town.

He would stay with the Sengstocks when he came to Australia.

鈥淗e would come into my room and lay on top off me,鈥 Mr Sengstock said.

鈥淚 couldn鈥檛 speak. I could not speak. I couldn鈥檛 scream, I couldn鈥檛 push back, I just went rigid and I couldn鈥檛 breathe, I was petrified.

鈥(He would say) 鈥榊ou鈥檙e my golden boy, and you鈥檙e special to me,鈥 and all these sort of things, which, as an adult now, I look back at, it makes me want to vomit.

鈥淲hen you do that to a child you murder them, you take everything away from them, there鈥檚 nothing left.鈥

The abuse continued until Mr Sengstock was 12 but at 16 he finally decided to tell his mother what had happened. He was shattered by her response.

In a statement on its website, the Hillsong Church said Brian Houston 鈥渁cknowledges the inexcusable crimes committed against鈥 Mr Sengstock.

鈥淚t is misleading that the report failed to mention the many who knew about this issue before it came to (Brian Houston鈥檚) attention,鈥 the statement said.

鈥淧astor Brian was the one who actually took action when he learned of it as evidenced to by the transcripts of the royal commission readily accessible to the public.

鈥淔rom the day Frank Houston was confronted by Pastor Brian, he never preached again.鈥

He became emotional when recounting the sexual abuse he received from Frank Houston. Picture: Channel 9

鈥淪he turned around and said to me that you don鈥檛 want to send people to hell, and stop sending them to the church,鈥 he said.

When his mother finally revealed what happened 20 years later, without telling him, the matter was 鈥渜uietly鈥 dealt with.

Frank Houston confessed and paid Mr Sengstock $12,000 for his forgiveness.

The matter was never reported to the police, even when Brian Houston found out about his father鈥檚 actions in 1999.

Frank Houston died in 2004. Many didn鈥檛 know of his actions until Mr Sengstock spoke to the Royal Commission into child sex abuse in 2014.

Brian said he believed it should have been up to Mr Sengstock to report his father to the police when he first found out about his father鈥檚 paedophilia.

Frank鈥檚 son Brian spoke to the royal commission into child sex abuse. Picture: Channel 9

The church did strip Frank Houston of his credentials and he retired on a pension with no one the wiser.

It was not until a letter to church members in 2001 that they suspected something serious had taken place.

In the letter the church described his acts as a 鈥渟erious moral failure鈥. They would later learn they were criminal acts.

In interviews during the commission, Brian said he 鈥渄idn鈥檛 have any doubt that it was criminal conduct鈥.

鈥淩ightly or wrongly, I genuinely believed that I would be pre-empting the victim if I were to just call the police at that point鈥.

After the Royal Commission Mr Sengstock sought compensation, but was not successful because he could not prove the Assemblies of God in Australia was responsible for Frank when the abuse happened.

REFERENCED: https://www.news.com.au/lifestyle/real-life/news-life/child-sex-abuse-victim-finally-speaks-out-after-decades-of-shame/news-story/ecaab6cdf6e38deeb3d4fe31025d14f7

Cardinal Pell, top advisor to Pope Francis, found guilty of 鈥榟istorical sexual offenses鈥

NOTE This is a copy of US Media & should be regarded as Fake-News.

An Australian jury has found Cardinal George Pell, 77, guilty on five charges of 鈥渉istorical child sexual offenses鈥 that go back decades, according to various media reports and confirmed byAmerica. The 12-member jury gave their unanimous verdict in the County Court of the State of Victoria in Melbourne on Tuesday, Dec. 11.

The judge decided that the sentencing will take place in early February 2019 and released the cardinal on bail.

Little is known about the nature of the charges on which Cardinal Pell has been condemned because the entire trial and a second trial that has yet to take place are covered by a strict suppression order issued by the presiding judge, Peter Kidd. The order prohibits reporting on the case in any of the country鈥檚 media until the second trial has taken place to avoid prejudicing his case in both instances. The judge has prohibited the publication of the number of complainants in either of the two trials as well as the number and nature of the charges, except for the fact that the charges relate to 鈥渉istorical child sexual offenses.鈥

An Australian jury has found Cardinal George Pell, 77, guilty on five charges of historical sexual offenses.

The cardinal is the most senior churchman yet to be convicted of such offenses, though he is not the third-ranking Vatican official, as some media have reported. His conviction is a grave blow not only to the church in Australia but also to the Vatican and to Pope Francis, who placed great trust in him by nominating the Australian prelate to his nine-member Council of Cardinal Advisors (he was the only cardinal from Oceania at that time, and Francis chose one cardinal from each continent) and by appointing him as prefect of the Secretariat of the Economy with a sweeping mandate to reform Vatican finances.

Cardinal Pell made great headway in those reform efforts, but he was not finished that work when he decided to return to Australia to respond to the allegations of historical sexual offenses. The cardinal has always maintained his innocence. Committal hearings were held in May at the end of which the presiding magistrate, while dismissing some of the most serious charges, ordered him to stand trial on the other charges.

His lawyers and the Victoria State public prosecutors agreed to split the charges against him into two trials: one relating to alleged sexual offenses committed at the cathedral in Melbourne (the first trial known as 鈥渢he cathedral trial鈥) and the other for abuse said to have been committed in Ballarat, reportedly at a swimming pool (known as 鈥渢he swimmers trial鈥). Yesterday鈥檚 verdict comes from the first trial. That trial began in September but the jury could not reach a verdict, and so a new trial began in November which resulted in yesterday鈥檚 verdict. The second trial is expected to take place early in 2019, probably around mid-February or early March, after the sentencing related to the first verdict has taken place.

Cardinal Pell鈥檚 conviction is a grave blow not only to the church in Australia but also to the Vatican and to Pope Francis.

The Vatican has not commented on the news of the cardinal鈥檚 conviction out of respect for the suppression order. On Wednesday, Dec. 12., the director of the Holy See Press Office, Greg Burke, responding to a question at a press brief in the Vatican about whether the cardinal would remain as prefect of the Secretariat for the Economy in the light of his judicial situation told reporters, 鈥淭hat is a good question.鈥

He then added, 鈥淭he Holy See has the utmost respect for the Australian judicial authorities. We are aware there is a suppression order in place and we respect that order.鈥

Pope Francis told journalists in an airborne press conference earlier this year that he would speak only after the judicial process (which includes the possibility of appeal after sentencing) had run its course. Sources say the cardinal, who has always insisted in this innocence, will appeal.

The conviction of another Australian archbishop, Philip Wilson, was overturned by an appeals court, and sources believe the case of Cardinal Pell could follow suit.

Pope Francis has said he would speak only after the judicial process had run its course.

Pope Francis 鈥済ranted Cardinal Pell a leave of absence so he could defend himself from the accusations鈥 on June 29, 2017. Since then, the cardinal has been unable to carry out his responsibilities as prefect of the Secretariat of the Economy, a senior position in the Vatican, and as a member of the pope鈥檚 council of nine cardinals advisors.

Prior to his leave of absence鈥攚hen allegations became public and some thought the pope should have removed Cardinal Pell from office鈥擣rancis applied the principle of law known as 鈥渋n dubio pro reo鈥 (鈥渄oubt favors the accused鈥), insisting that a person is to be considered innocent until proven guilty. The pope did not remove Cardinal Pell from his Vatican posts then because he believed to do so would be equivalent to an admission of guilt. Francis explained his stance in a press conference on the return flight from World Youth Day in Poland, July 31, 2016. He said: 鈥淲e have to wait for the justice system to do its job and not pass judgment in the media because this is not helpful. 鈥楯udgment鈥 by gossip, and then what? We don鈥檛 know how it will turn out. See what the justice system decides. Once it has spoken, then I will speak.鈥

Pope Francis鈥 words make clear that he does not intend to speak until the judicial process, including a possible appeal, has ended. He has, however,terminated Cardinal Pell鈥檚 membership of the council of nine cardinal advisors, Mr. Burke, indicated on Dec. 12. Mr. Burke revealed that at the end of October, the pope sent a letter thanking Cardinals Pell, Francisco Javier Errazuriz (Chile) and Laurent Monswengo Pasinya (Democratic Republic of the Congo) for their work in his council of cardinal advisors over the past five years.

Cardinal Pell could decide to hand in his resignation as prefect of the Secretariat for the Economy, since it is unlikely that his second trial and an eventual appeal will have taken place by the time his five-year term as prefect expires on Feb. 24. The cardinal, who will be 78 in June, could also resign from his other roles in various Roman Curia departments and offices. Currently, he is a member of the Congregation for Bishops, the Congregation for the Evangelization of Peoples, the Congregation for the Institutes of Consecrated Life and the Societies of Apostolic Life and the Pontifical Council for the Promotion of the New Evangelization.

Regardless, Cardinal Pell is not allowed to carry out any pastoral ministry in public until the whole judicial process has ended, and then only if the verdict is in his favor.

Gerard O鈥機onnell

Gerard O鈥機onnell isAmerica鈥檚 Vatican correspondent.

https://www.americamagazine.org/faith/2018/12/12/cardinal-pell-top-advisor-pope-francis-found-guilty-historical-sexual-offenses

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National Redress Scheme for people who have experienced institutional child sexual abuse | Department of Social Services, Australian Government

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The Redress Scheme is a new government program. It will provide support to people who were sexually abused as children while in the care of an institution.

The plan to have a Redress Scheme came from the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse. It is one way the government is working to acknowledge and help people who experienced child sexual abuse.

Subject to the passage of legislation, the Scheme will start on 1 July 2018, and will run for 10聽years.

It is designed so that … (continued on LINK)